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National
Convention: Achilles Heel of Burma 's Political Transition
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By Nehginpao @
Papao
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Washington
, D.C. , USA
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March 1, 2005
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Burma , like many
other nations, is the haven for diverse ethnic groups. The country, known
for one of the world's worst and longest dictatorial regimes, is
simultaneously enlivened with favors and cherishing endearments by its
neighboring countries. The international community is intriguingly divided
on the question of the military regime's legitimacy and preparedness for the
country's democratization process. While Asian countries tend to stay
silent, the western world led by the United States of America has been
staunch proponents for a transparent democratic change in Burma . With the
present concept, the national convention becomes the "Achilles Heel" of
Burma 's political transition.
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On the 17th
of February 2005, the first step of the then Prime Minister, General Khin
Kyunt's masterpiece road map for democracy called "National Convention" was
reconvened despite scores of critical rhetoric from different quarters.
Stiffening toes and deafening ears to others' criticisms, the State Peace
and Development Council (SPDC) stuck itself to the barrel. Thus, the
government's ingenious formula to implement the seven-step road map for
democracy is always a question to be reckoned with.
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In conjunction
with the government efforts to legitimize its administration, Burma 's Prime
Minister General Soe Win and Nyan Win, the Foreign Minister, began touring
neighboring countries by soliciting their co-operation. At their closed-door
meeting on the 21st February of 2005 in Manila , General Soe Win
and the Philippines President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo touched issues on
boosting economic ties as well as the promotion of human rights. Philippines
extended a red-carpet welcome and a 21-gun salute to Soe Win and his
entourage at the Palace grounds while protesters chanted slogans such as
"Don’t do business with dictators" and "General Soe Win, How many Burmese
did you kill?" This reflects the replica of how repressive the dictatorial
regime is.
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Burma , while
waiting for its turn to chair the Association of South East Asian Nations
(ASEAN) in 2006, is leaving no stone unturned to appease the constituent
member countries. With its policy of non interference on member country's
internal affairs, ASEAN has been opting to stay away from Burma 's political
imbroglio. To the Burmese military leaders, winning the support and
confidence of its neighbors is construed as legitimizing the dangling
hierarchy of the junta. Soe Win's approach to garner the political backing
from neighboring countries was keenly followed by Nyan Win , Burma 's
Foreign Minister, visit to Bangladesh from February 24-26.
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Amidst volley of
criticisms and oppositions both within and abroad, the procrastinated
National Convention was resumed. Not overlooking the stringent voices of the
international community and exiled Burmese pro-democracy activists around
the world, the intransigent approach of opposition groups within the country
is plausible. The cohesive stance of Committee Representing People's
Parliament (CRPP), formed in 1998 and an umbrella organization of different
parties representing the diverse ethnic groups, is encouraging. Among
others, U Thong Kho Thang, an elected Member of Parliament from Tamu
Township in Upper Sagaing Division, open denouncement of the inclusion of
his name among the 1088 convention's attendees is an epitome of resolute
politicking.
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Many independent
political observers are skeptical of the six laid objectives and 104 basic
rules embedded with the road map for democracy. Although it is a positive
initiative of the SPDC to convene the convention by reaching ceasefire
agreements with a number of armed revolutionary groups, the image of the
convention is loomed and overshadowed by the continued detention of NLD
leaders, including Aung San Suu Kyi and the party's Vice-President, U
Tin-Oo. The convention's image was subsequently tarnished by the arrest of
leaders from the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) including
its chairman, U Hkun Htun Oo. With the convention rolling on with its
exclusive nature, the outcome will partially or entirely be null and void.
The basic democratic values are hijacked and distorted by the regime.
Drafting of any constitution, which will be the guiding principle of the
country, without equal representation, is a "hard nut to crack."
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The strategic
framework of the government emanates critical political errors. In order to
solidify the fledgling Burmese political structure, the country needs to be
a congenial place for all parties and groups regardless of their political
affiliations. Barring a group or party in the shaping of a national
political machine will be counter productive. Burma needs a national
convention where the military leaders, the National League for Democracy and
ethnic groups amicably negotiate for the future of the Union of Burma. With
its present concept, the convention itself becomes the "Achilles Heel" of
Burma 's political democratization process because of the non inclusion of
all parties.
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* The
writer is a USA based political activist and researcher on the rise of
political conflicts in modern Burma (1947-2004)
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