READERS’ FRONT
MORE MIGRANTS ENTER THAILAND
UNPO MEET MEMBERS FROM BURMA
VILLAGERS FORCED TO PORTER
RUBBER TRADERS BUY UP PLANTATIONS AFTER CHANGE IN
EXPORT RULES
DETAINED MON COMMUNITY LEADER RELEASED
JUNTA WAGING SECRET WAR AGAINST WA
NMSP: WILL MAINTAIN ARMED STRUGGLE
HEAVY RAINS CAUSE VILLAGERS TO EVACUATE IN KAREN
STATE
FAREWELL TO ARMS: KANBAWZA WIN
READERS’ FRONT
Dear
Readers,
We invite
comments and suggestions on improvements to Kaowao newsletter. With your
help, we hope that Kaowao News will continue to grow to serve better the
needs of those seeking social justice in Burma. And we hope that it will
become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers to keep
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encourage you to include your full name and address.
Regards,
Editor
kaowao@hotmail.com,
www.kaowao.org
_________________________________________________
Thank you for sending this information (“Villagers Forced to Porter”) to me
- it is very concerning - is the Canadian Gov't being made aware of this
current deteriorating situation?
Sara Jenkins
Canada
_________________________________________________
Dear Editor,
Thanks. I will be always with you.
Theinmaung Chamau (Chin)
Ottawa, Canada
MORE MIGRANTS ENTER THAILAND
(Kaowao: August 31, 2005)
Sangkhlaburi --
Propelled by oppression and poverty, people
from Burma
continue to flock to the
kingdom seeking jobs,
according to social workers in Sangkhlaburi on the Thai side opposite to the Thai Burma border.
“I
have witnessed
many Burmese enter
Thailand through Karnchanaburi Province and many are crossing the river near the Khaolam Dam,” said a Mon woman who works for
NGO based in Sangkhlaburi.
Some local people reported groups
of migrants crossing the Kwaenoi River during the nighttime with
the help of local residents believed to be human smugglers.
The
migrants walk for
about one day from
the Three Pagodas Pass border
town to get to
Sangkhlaburi, while some others enter from the border by bus and motorbike. ‘Some
checkpoints
in Sangkhlaburi may not be aware of migrants
entering Thailand,’
said a
Sangkhlaburi resident.
Another Sangkhlaburi community leader said that crossing the border
at this time is
not difficult for migrants compared
to last May and June
when many migrant
workers flocked to Thailand to obtain
a work permit
during the
registration process. While
the flow of migrants is less than before, the Thai police may still arrest
them too.
‘One
migrant died on the river last month while trying to cross the river,’
a witness from Sangkhlaburi said. They believe the
dead body had been floating on the water for about one week before the
police rescued it.
‘The
migrant is from Mon State and had probably crossed
at the Three
Pagodas Pass border. He drowned while trying to
cross the river since the current at this time is strong from the monsoon
rains,’ the man
added.
UNPO MEET MEMBERS FROM BURMA
(Reported by Zahan Ong, Kaowao: August 28, 2005)
Bangkok -- On a trip of mission to Thailand from 24 to 29 August 2005, Miss
Kim Maureen Delvalle, Director of UNPO Secretariat meets with the leaders of
UNPO member organizations from Burma such as Karenni, Mon, Shan and Chin to
learn about their situation and discussed the role of UNPO.
During the meeting with the Mon Unity League’s leader Nai Sunthorn
Sripanngern in Bangkok, Miss Kim said, “the UNPO has a plan to hold a
cultural or sport event for its members in order to get international
awareness and access to its member organizations".
Nai
Sunthorn Sripanngern, General Secretary of Mon Unity League, commented that
"The UNPO should cooperate with UN bodies such as UNDP and WHO in order to
raise the living and health standard of voiceless people of its members
around the world. Most of UNPO member peoples are under the rule of another
race and marked by oppression, discrimination and so on"
The
task of the UNPO is to assist its members in advancing their interests
effectively through nonviolent means, including diplomacy, the use of the
United Nations and other international procedures for the protection of
human rights, the development of public opinion and other action-oriented
strategies, and the exploration of legal options available in defending
their rights.
The
7th UNPO General Assembly was held in The Hague, The Netherlands on 24- 26
June 2005. It was attended by more than 100 representatives of its member
organizations from around the world including a Mon delegation based in The
Netherlands, UK and Denmark.
UNPO was founded in 1991 with the principles for: equal rights of
self-determination for all nations and peoples; adherence to internationally
accepted human rights standards; adherence to the principles of democracy;
promotion of nonviolence and rejection of terrorism and protection of
natural environment. Its head office is in The Hague, The Netherlands.
The
Mon became a UNPO member in 1996 through the Mon Unity League.
VILLAGERS FORCED TO PORTER
(Kaowao: August 28, 2005)
Residents are being forced to porter on a weekly basis as human shields,
while women are forced to guard the village against Mon rebels during
the night time in the remote areas of southern Ye, Mon state.
Members of a Mon family who recently arrived to a Mon Refugees camp on the
border said, “We must porter three or four times per month, or pay three
thousand Kyats for a replacement if we cannot go at that time.”
Nai
Win, who last week arrived to the camp with his family, said that he
must walk ahead of the Burmese soldiers and carry ammunition and other
supplies. The last time he portered was on August 10, 2005, and his wife Mi
Deah Wut was made to guard the village at night time with other women.
'Last month, I and some other women were forced to guard the village at
night time because there were fewer men in the village,' she added. Most of
the men in her village, consisting of about 100 households, had gone on
to Thailand fearing they would be forced to porter by the soldiers or be
killed for not doing it. She added that villagers were forced to guard the
village at night about five times per month.
The
families spent three days trekking through thick forest and crossing heavy
mountain streams to get to the border area to escape the portering.
Seven other villagers fled from the village, some went to the Mon Internally
Displaced People camps in the area controlled by the NMSP in Tenessarim
division. Some families have been split up in which different members
of the family have left to go to the refugee camp or cross the border to go
work in Thailand.
The
SPDC local Battalion LIB No. 31 led by captain Myint Kyaw collects taxes
from 2000 and 3000 Kyats per month from every household. Another type
of military tax is farm tax in which 500 Kyats per month which will
allow the farmers from six a.m. to six p.m. to work on their farm and
plantation.
'If
we enter our village after six pm, we have to stay out all night, some
villagers were tortured for breaking this rule and were made to pay an
extra fine,' Win said.
'There are many kinds of torturing, one is putting a bamboo stick from
the chest to knee and making the victim roll on it to force food from the
stomach after making them eat a lot of rice,' his friend from the camp said.
'Forced labor has been going on daily in order to prepare the military motor
road,' he further added.
Sporadic conflict has occurred in the area from fighting between
the splinter Mon armed groups, Hongsawatoi Restoration Party and the SPDC.
The families, however, said there is no fighting at present in the area,
but feel they were discriminated for being an ethnic minority. Some were
also accused of being relatives of Mon guerillas and were threatened by
having their homes and belongings destroyed by the Burmese military.
Most of the Mon people from this area cannot speak or read
Burmese, which often invites abuse by the SPDC soldiers who target them.
RUBBER TRADERS BUY UP PLANTATIONS AFTER CHANGE IN EXPORT
RULES
Independent
Mon News Agency: 18-08-05 (edited and revised)
Companies
trading in rubber are setting up partnerships with plantation owners in Mon
state, since the Burmese government issued new regulations requiring that
rubber exported to other countries must be from plantations owned by the
exporter.
The traders
have made deals with plantation owners which allow them to claim ownership
of the land on which the rubber is grown. These agreements are then
reported to the authorities so that the trading companies can send the
rubber compound sheets produced abroad, according to Nai Toe Myint, a
representative of a rubber export company in Ye township.
The
regulations have tightened up since last year, Toe Myint said. "Our
company now has plans to grow rubber on a thousand acres in Yebyu Township
and we have applied to the authorities there for permission. We
decided to move to Yebyu, since it is difficult to find virgin land in Ye
township to the north where we have been located. Nai Thit Lwin, a
resident of Yebyu Township, said the land that the company wanted to develop
into a rubber plantation is fertile, but is already under ownership.
Toe Myint said that his company would negotiate for as much land they could
get from local villagers.
“If we get a
permit, we will have to plant rubber trees on the land within three years,"
Toe Myint said. The same regulation applies to owners of virgin land
who do not sell to the trading companies. The new regulations have led
to a rush take up land and set up rubber plantations in Yebyu township.
Even though
they do want to get involved in plantation work, the exporters are being
driven by orders for rubber from China and by demand in Burma for goods
imported from that country.
"The more
rubber we can export, the better it is for the government, which collects a
10% tax on rubber exports," said Nai Toe Myint. In Mon state there are
four companies which engage in exporting rubber compound sheets to China.
DETAINED MON COMMUNITY LEADER RELEASED
(Independent Mon News Agency: August 24, 2005)
Chairman
of the Mon Literature and
Culture Committee Thanbyuzayat Township, Nai Sein Aye, was released
yesterday.
After the Mon State’s Township Court found that he was
innocent and was
not involved in
any illegal activity the judges
decided to release him unconditionally. “The
court informed him to take a rest and stay quiet for 6 months,” said Mr.
Aye’s family.
Nai
Sein Aye, 55 years old,
was arrested on July 8, by Col. Khin Maung Zee, from No. 4 Military Training
School, in Thanpyuzayat prison for over one-month. The commander
accused him of
being an activist
who had planned an uprising
against the regime, the SPDC.
The
military commander Col. Khin Maung Zee had tried many times to
bring Nai Sein Aye’s case in
Thanbyuzayat Township’s court to trial and imprison him.
He forced the
judges to sentence
him alleging that
he tried to create
unrest among the civilians
to rise up against
the government.
But
the Township judge, Daw Win Win Htay rejected three times that he was not involved
in any activities against the state and decided not to unfairly judge him.
She further reported to the upper authorities that she would retire
from her duties following
intensive pressure.
Nai
Sein Aye case was brought from the Township Court to the Mon State Court, and on
August 22, the
Mon State Court
decided he was innocent of the charges. Soon
after he was
released unconditionally.
Nai
Sein Aye organized
various community
activities and had
applied to local military authorities to register his committee as an
official organization in mid-2004.
However, his committee was denied registration by the town authorities on May 4 and he and his
members were forced to sign an agreement that they would not to be involved in any
activities as
ordered by the Thanpyuzayat Town Peace
and Development Council secretary U Pyi Aung Moe.
He and his committee were also warned that if they organized meetings
or formed a group
that collected
money, they would be arrested and detained under the law act no. 5A (forming
an illegal organization) and be imprisoned for 5-7 years in prison with
hard labor.
Nai
Sein Aye-led MLCC has been working for community development; he started the Summer Mon Literacy
Training School and was involved
in religious activities.
Meanwhile, the activities of the Mon Literature and Culture Committee,
especially concerning Mon language and culture has been restricted since his
arrest.
JUNTA WAGING SECRET WAR AGAINST WA
(Shan Herald Agency for News: August 25, 2005)
Burma watchers on both sides of the Tachilek-Maesai border believe the
military rulers of the country are launching a covert campaign on its own
strongest ally against the Shan State Army:
"Everything points out to an undercover warfare against the United Wa State
Army" said a long-time resident on the Tachilek-Maesai border:
*
Politically, the Wa's political ally, the Shan State Peace Council, has been
shattered following the arrest of its leader Gen Hso Ten in February thereby
leaving the Wa politically vulnerable
*
Militarily, the Burma Army has, for more than a year, been deploying its
troops in Shan State with the aim to outflank the ceasefire groups
especially the Wa
*
Financially, the UWSA is also admittedly reeling under the strain caused by
Rangoon's seemingly accidental measures, such as the closures of Asia Wealth
Bank, Mayflower Bank (where Wa leader Bao Youxiang was reported to hold 43%
shares) and Myanmar Universal Bank (where the Wa's "remote control" Wei
Hsuehkang was said to be enjoying substantial holdings) and the crackdown on
unlicensed cars, the bulk of which were reportedly owned by the Wa and its
business company, Hongpang."
All
the 42 names on the list of the Special Investigation Bureau that arrived in
Tachilek on Tuesday (22 August) are associates of U Tar Wai (who has been
arrested) and Wei himself, I was told," said a source close to the official
circle.
None of the sources asked by S.H.A.N. however has seen any Wa car seized by
the authorities. "Maybe the handover is being done quietly," said one,
"since the Hongpang office is just next door to Light Infantry Battalion
331
post. Of course, it is not the Wa way to give up anything without orders
from their superiors."
The
deadline for submission of all unregistered vehicles is tomorrow, Friday 26
August.
Asked why Rangoon is not fighting an open war that would likely have won
acclaims from both the Thais and the Americans, a border watcher much
respected in his community said, "That wouldn't be a smart move. It would
instead have alerted all and only got things out of hand. This way, dealing
with the Wa individually and on individual issues, is better. And by the
time they realize what's happening, it'll be too late for them."
Meanwhile, Wa officers in Mongton, opposite Chiangmai, are reportedly
becoming uneasy about more Burma Army units stationing around their bases.
"We've asked Panghsang several times what we should do about it,"
complained a frustrated lieutenant colonel. "But our leaders are still
keeping us in suspense."
58th
Anniversary of Mon Resistance Day
NMSP:
WILL continue THE ARMED
STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM
(Kaowao, August 18, 2005)
According to a statement issued on the 58th anniversary of Mon Resistance
Day, the Mons will never surrender to the Burmese regime by
laying
down their arms, but will continue the armed struggle for self determination
and freedom.
The
New Mon State Party (NMSP) declared they
would continue to hold their arms until their demands for freedom are met.
The
New Mon State Party issued a statement in which they said: ‘If the SPDC
forces the cease-fire parties to lay down their arms, the NMSP will choose
other options to defend their people.’
They statement further confirmed that they [NMSP] are committed to setting
out on the table a common purpose of living and working together with the
Burmese government, but if their demands of self determination are ignored,
which includes the right to teach the Mon language to their children for
example, ‘they will find other means to achieve the freedom once enjoyed by
their people over 250 years ago.’
A
veteran Mon politician said that, ‘the NMSP’s statement is stronger than in
previous years,’ further adding that, ‘they are giving a clear message to
the people that they are not going to yield to pressure following rumors
that they were giving in.’
Sources close to the NMSP say the junta is demanding them to hold a
political dialogue to solve the political crisis in Burma.
The
President of New Mon State Party, General Htaw Mon also issued a statement
commenting on the significance of the armed resistance day in recognition of
all the ethnic nationalities’ struggle for self-determination and a federal
union in Burma. He called on all the Mon people from Burma, Thailand,
and overseas to continue the struggle for freedom.
Mon
Resistance Day commemorates the beginning of the armed struggle against the
Burmese government in 1948. When the British granted independence to
Burma, Mon political leaders planned to negotiate peacefully with the Burman
AFPFL leaders for their political, cultural, and national rights. However, their demands were
ignored and some Mon leaders were
assassinated and imprisoned, soon after, almost overnight, the Mons
transformed from a non-violent movement to an arm’s struggle against the
Burmans.
The
armed resistance movement began in 1948 when a group of young Mon patriots
led by Nai Pan Tha seized arms from the police station at Zar Tha Pyin
village near Moulmein. The Mons have continuously fought against the
central Burman government for over five decades, but agreed to sign a
cease-fire agreement in 1995 to end the conflict.
Mon
Resistance Day celebrations were held today in different locations around
NMSP’s strong hold area near the Thai Burma border and overseas locations
where hundreds of Mon refugees have resettled.
HEAVY RAINS CAUSE VILLAGERS TO EVACUATE IN KAREN STATE
(Kaowao, August 17, 2005)
Heavy monsoon rains have flooded out hundreds of villages and
transportations routes along the Jine and Zami rivers between Mon and Karen
States.
'Villages and motor roads have been submerged under floodwaters from
the heavy rains and the overflowing river,' said a local Mon woman to Kaowao
reporter yesterday.
“My house is completely under water. About a quarter of village homes
of over 500 are also under water,” the elderly woman from southern Pha Ann
Township of Karen State said.
For
over two weeks rain has fallen steadily almost everyday leading to the heavy
flooding. A combination of a poor drainage system and the heavy downpours
has forced villagers to evacuate from their homes.
Townships affected are Pha Ann, Kaw Kareik of Karen State and Kyaik Mayaw in
Mon State. Water supplies and roads were also damaged by the heavy
flooding and local people fear the spreading floodwaters will soon affect
low lying rice fields if the rains continue to fall like they have in the
past two weeks which have caused flooding in other parts of South and
Southeast Asia, particularly India.
‘Heavy rains have also been reported in Kyar Inn Seik Kyi Township in which
many villages are now under water,’ said a Mon trader who just arrived to
the Thai Burma border.
The
heavy downpours have caused the Zami and Jine Rivers to overflow their
banks, the Zami river flows along the motor route to the border town of
Three Pagodas Pass.
‘We
travel by boat to get around,’ the trader said. ‘We see only water not land,
the roads and the whole area is under water.’
Another Mon woman from the area said the flooding is not usual,
transportation is only by motorboat; many families have packed up everything
into motorboats and are moving to higher grounds. 'The passengers from Three
Pagodas Pass border travel to Kyar Inn Seik Kyi township
travel easily by
boat to the higher levels,' the trader said.
After the water recedes, the motor roads, water supplies, and villages in
the area will be heavily damaged from the flooding and there is concern over
the outbreak of flood related diseases that will affect the vulnerable, the
children and the elderly. Waterborne diseases include dengue fever,
diarrhea, and dysentery.
It
is not known how the Burmese government will respond to the heavy flooding
in the area and there has been no news on cases of deaths resulting from the
flooding. The monsoon rains arrive in May and last until October in Burma.
Counsel
to the ethnic nationalities
FAREWELL TO ARMS
(By
Kanbawza Win)
The news that more
than 20,000 Karenni internally displaced persons based in Mae Hong Son, on
the Thai side of the Burma border, are in the process of registering with
the UN High Commissioner for Refugees to resettle in the Third countries,
hit me under the belt. I cannot comprehend how these Karenni will
communicate and maintain their culture with each other, save through the
Internet and telephone, when the first batch of 500 or more will be settled
in Finland, top of the world and New Zealand bottom of the world. Even if it
is confined to Internet communication, I have never seen a Karenni (Kayah)
Font, Kayaw (Pa Raé)
of Kayan (Padaung long neck) Font and they will be compelled to use English
as the medium of language. In other words their dialects, culture and people
will soon be in the category of the vanishing tribes. The whole population
of Karenni is only about half a million and to relocate nearly half of the
population to a third countries means that the regime's ethnic cleansing
policy, with the help (wittingly or unwittingly) of the international
community is cent percent successful. Congratulations.
Call me
a hypocrite, originating from Prae Pro village of Hsu Byaung township, near
Htu Chaung (stream), now residing in the niceties of the West and yet am
against the resettlement of my kit and kin? It is very reasonable that they
will have to think about their future especially that of their children (Saw
Augustino speaks to Irrawaddy) and yet loosing my people's identity makes me
feel melancholy and furlong. There are more than 100,000 refugees in
Thailand-Burma border alone and today is the turn of the Karenni while
tomorrow it may be the Shan, Karen, Mon etc until all these dirty ethnics
are cleanse and only the Myanmar, the golden tribe remains in Burma seems to
be goal.
From
the perception of the Thai authorities is that the Burmese ethnic refugees
residing in the Thai-Burma border can be categorize into three types, those
who are sure of persecution once they go back to Burma will be allowed to
migrate to Third countries with the help of UNHCR, while those who are not
so much on the lime light will be push back to Burma and face the ethnic
cleansing and persecution like the rest of the population. But those who are
not in any of the two categories will be given a Thai Hill People card (a
sort of a second class citizen) to stay in their respective district and
eventually be assimilated into Thai society and in this way it will solve
the refugee problem. Obviously more economic pie is waiting as a reward from
the Junta.
The
changing of the fair name of the country Burma to Myanmar is a prelude to
this ethnic cleansing policy, followed by the Burmanization of names such as
a Mon name of Utha Pegu to Bago or a Shan name of Mong Né
(Mong means town in Shan language) to Moe Ne or Yawnghwe to Nyaung Shwe etc.
The world has acquiesced for obvious reasons and so from this hypothesis I
am not alone in this art of hypocrisy.
If
Myanmar tribe via the Junta boasts, that eventually in Burma, there will be
only Ma Har Bamar or rather Thar Ki Win Myo Hae Do Bah Ma
interpreted in Pali/Burmese
as belonging to the ancestors of the noble king they themselves seem to be
subjected to ethnic cleansing policy by the Chinese. With the current rate
of Chinese growth and the unrealistic policy of the Junta, letting the
Chinese in, to every aspect of Burmese life, it will not take a millennium
but a few centuries before the word Myanmar itself will soon be known by the
word as Myein Tien (meaning Burmese in Mandarin) as one of the Chinese
tribes. Karma will soon catch up as every act has an effect.
Ethnic Cleansing
The term
"ethnic cleansing” come from the Serbian/Croatian phrase etnièko èi¹æenje
meaning forcibly removing a particular ethnic group and is indistinguishable
from forced emigration, deportation or genocide of an ethnic group.
If homicide is the murder
of a person, genocide is the murder of an ethnicity for the extinction of
any human group sharing a genetic or ancestral affinity.
Ethnic
cleansing is as old as history itself. It can be found in any continent. The
expulsion of the Acadians from the ancestral land in Nova Scotia by the
Canadians. The numerous relocation of the Red Indians (aborigines) from
their traditional areas to remote reservation of the US. The expulsion of
the Turkish Muslim in the Balkans or the holocaust of the Jewish population
in Europe during the Second World War Very lately of the expulsion of
the East Timor population by the Indonesians. Slaughter of the Tibetans by
the Chinese. The massacre of the Tutsi by the Hutus in Berundi or better
known as Rwanda Genocide and the list goes on.
The main
purpose of ethnic cleansing is to remove the conditions for potential and
actual opposition, whether political, terrorist, guerrilla or military, by
physically removing any potentially or actually hostile ethnic communities
as a way of ensuring that total control can be asserted over an area as what
the Karen Christians are facing now in the border areas. As a tactic, ethnic
cleansing has a number of significant advantages and disadvantages. It
enables a force to eliminate civilian support for resistance by eliminating
the civilians — in a reversal of Mao Zedong`s dictum that guerrillas among a
civilian population are fish in water, it drains the water. It’s often
accompanied by efforts to eradicate all physical traces of the expelled
ethnic group, such as by the destruction of cultural artifacts (e.g.
destruction of Kengtung Haw), religious sites and physical records. Like it
or not, ethnic cleansing is not only practice by the Burmese Junta in leiu
with the various Thai administration but almost every where. Last week
Uzi Cohen, a
member of Ariel Sharon's right-wing party and a deputy mayor of the town of
Raanana, proposed massive ethnic cleansing of the non Jews in
Palestine-Israel as the final solution of the Arab Israeli conflict, and
surprisingly there was widespread support in Israel even though few are
willing to speak about it publicly. Future ethnic cleansing is in store and
more will be seen in Burma for example the treatment of the ethnic Karen in
the delta region.
The
Myanmar Thinking
There
is little doubt that Myanmar/Burman are bent on ethnic cleansing for
national solidarity under the smokescreen of preventing the disintegration
of the Union. The Burman intelligentsia thinks that " non-existent ethnic
nations as unified entities before the advent of British colonization in
Burma are imagined, or cooked up, retroactively, as respectable, alternative
or subaltern memories." Notions of popular sovereignty in some of the
literally most backward ethnic communities of Burma have been invented in
the ethno-nationalist literature clamoring for ethnicity-based political
autonomy or (limited) ethno-federalism as opposed to geographic federalism.
Hence, ethnic cleansing is to be condoned seems to be the rationale of a
Burman, whether he is on the side of a democrat or dictatorship. The
majority could not comprehend that a Federal Union of Burma is the only just
solution to both the long-standing and newly emerging conflicts with
distinctly ethnic dimensions as a messy and complicate matter next to
impossibility.
The
modern political history of Burma indicates that ethnicity with its
relatively stable emotional, physical and linguistic commonalities are being
used as the driving force behind. They argue that instead of seeking
established mono-ethnic states within the Union it should rather seek a more
liberal ideology of civic nationalism toward a multi-ethnic, interfaith
political state. However, this theory does not hold water, for neither
Burman Buddhist nor predominantly ethnic Christian nationalities, such as
the Chin, Kachin, Karen or Karenni are unable to conceive of secular,
liberal politics without resorting to their respective religious faiths.
All
in all, the
historical development of Burma is not that different from other ethnically
heterogeneous nations of the world. This linear view of Burma's history that
the Burmese kings have lord it over the ethnic tribes sharply contrasts with
others versions of Burma's history in relation to various ethnic
nationalities such as the ones held by Shan Chin Karen, Karenni, the Mon,
and the Arakanese. Neither side is likely to compromise on their historical
memories and future visions will continue to rage on - and the future of
Burma doesn't offer much hope for those who wish to seek reconciliation,
reconsolidation and reconstruction of the country as a modern federal state.
To the Junta everything else is secondary such as democratization, the NLD
and Daw Suu's, freedom, the Western sanctions or ASEAN chairmanship etc
their main driving point is that they sincerely believes that the Burmese
army is the only political and military force that can keep the country
together and make sure that the country doesn't meet the fate of former
Yugoslavia – the Balkan scenario. Hence the one point, which they will not
compromise, is the ethnic national’s demand of Federalism. Up to this day
neither the dominant Myanmar nor their ethnic nationalities have been able
to find the right balance in their sordid tale of nation building i.e. the
balance that honours the majority's deeply rooted feeling of a Burmese
nation and at the same time is sensitive to the minorities' legitimate
grievances and concerns.
In
Retrospect
The
ethnic communities and the pro democracy movement up to this day have been
unable to forge any meaningful alliance or a united front. The
post-independence story of the country can be characterized by an
excruciatingly long series of failures to build lasting political alliances
among opposition groups, non-violent and armed, ethnic nationalities and the
Myanmar mainstream pro-democracy groups.
The
1996, the Junta's National Convention came to a halt not because the
National League for Democracy walked out or got kicked out of it by the
Junta but because the Wa pressed for autonomous statehood of their own. This
demography and stratification are working against the interests of the
politically and culturally sophisticated Shan peoples. Several non Tai/Shan
tribes such as Pa O, Lisu, Lahu, Palaung, Danu, Inthar, Yin Ni, Yin Net, Yin
Gyar, Ei Kaw etc harbor some sort of resentment toward the Shan who have
'big brother' mentality toward other non-Shan minorities within the Shan
State as even now the Shan Democratic Union scarcely have non Shan, as its
executive member and there is very little hope that they will accept a
person who cannot speak a Tai dialect.
U Nu's
armed revolution in the early 1970's collapsed completely because of
distrust, mistrust and prejudices of the ethnic nationalities. Following the
8888 movement over 10,000 young Burmese from urban areas fled to the
KNU-controlled areas to join armed groups and subsequently set up the All
Burma Students' Democratic Front, they were viewed with deep mistrust by the
ethnic groups, who shared the Burmese's belief that the military rule was
bad for the country, for ethnic groups, etc. and treated them as a Burman
group just fighting the Burman dominated Junta accordingly.
In
early 1990s the new political and economic realities forced the Kachin
Independence Army led by the late Breng Seng to leave the ethnic alliance of
armed anti-Rangoon groups which dotted throughout the country's
non-mainstream territories and states, the KIA was condemned by their former
comrades, but remained within the ethnic alliance. Hence it is no wonder
that the Burma believe that without their strong hand (of authoritarianism),
the country is going to fall apart. This is a typical Balkanization theory
comes true. Many, if not all, ASEAN, Chinese and Indian politicians
officials worry openly about conceivable break-up of the country (with
resultant instability on their borders or in the region) should the Burma
Army is forced back into the barracks. Hence, the conflict not only between
the Burman and non Burman but also among non-Burma groups, cements the
dominant Asian view prevalent in the political establishments throughout
Asia that Burma or Myanmar indeed has the Balkan potentials. The ethnic
nationality actions have spoken more loudly than their words.
Again, some
ethnic leaders
seem more interested in autonomy and the freedom for their community to be
free from domination, while others appear to look forward to gaining
opportunities to play their role in national life, which they believe the
tyranny of the majority may prevent just as effectively as the tyranny of
the military. Among different ethnic communities there are many agreement
and disagreement but there is a shared view that each ethnic group has a
distinct ethnic identity and can be represented only by somebody of that
ethnic group. For the majority Myanmar, there is no such thing as "Burman
Identity" and no effort is made to represent Myanmar tribe politically,
as an ethnic group. For them politics cuts across ethnicity, since Burma is
a multi-ethnic nation-state and political organizations established by
Myanmar are usually presented as 'all Myanmar' in nature such as the UB and
the LA groups. They construe politics as between parties seeking support
such as NLD versus the Junta.
But
it is a fact that Burman-dominated administrations since 1948, when
independence was gain from Britain the Myanmar government policies and
practices always exploited the ethnics or left it deliberately undeveloped
and backward. Lacking in infrastructure and economic opportunities, the
various Myanmar administrations developed only in such a way that the local
people are by-passed in terms of decision-making and benefits. Such concern
reinforces the importance of the demand for self-determination or autonomy.
Since the combined ethnic nationalities are still a minority in the sea of
Myanmar tribe, it is assume that even though the federal electoral process,
the result will be a Burman-dominated federal government and this is a
widely shared concerned as can be clearly seen in the DAB-NCUB federal
constitution.
On
the other hand the Myanmar leaders including the UB and LA group assume that
it is the right and responsibility for Myanmar to lead. Non-Myanmar ethnic
groups even though they are fighting the military regime. The inclusion of
some ethnic leaders is taken as a token. However on the other hand, the
military regime insists that it must impose its nationalist will through the
Burmanization of ethnic minorities in order to counter ethnic efforts to
separate from Burma. But the democratic Myanmar political leaders both
inside and outside tend to be more willing to recognize the ethnic nationals
grievances more and to acknowledge that ways must be found to satisfy the
ethnic aspirations. For the ethnic nationalities it is something like
between the devil and the deep sea. They cannot reject both as it would
tantamount to wiping off their race, which the Karenni are now facing. Hence
a choice has to be made, which is the lesser evil?
A
Way Out
The
choice for the ethnic nationalities of Burma became vivid now. Either to
throw their lot with the pro democracy Burmese in Diaspora and fight
shoulder to shoulder against the Junta or to go it alone and let their
ethnic identity be wipe out eventually as what the Karenni has chosen to do.
A classic example is that some ethnic groups opting out of the DAB
(Democratic Alliance of Burma) is because there is a Burman group in it, and
deliberately chose the inevitable of their ethnicity being wiped out within
a century or two. This is their choice or rather the choice of their
leaders, whether it is due to lack of vision, political accruement or
obstinacy is for the history to judge. Perhaps myopia is the appropriate
word to describe them, but the conclusion is that entire ethnic group
suffered. Extremists are not only on the rank and file of the Burmese
Diaspora side, there are many racists among the ethnic groups and lessons of
the Karenni people should be an example
Making a research on the old Chin and Kachin soldiers who are now living
abroad and asking them of why they fought toot and nail to defend Rangoon
and the Union during 1949/50, when the Karen were about to overwhelm Burma?
They replied because the Burmese has swindled them but the most important
factor is because they discovered that Karen is more racist than the Burman.
Concerning this matter probably the ABSDF veterans of 1988/89 knew more
about it.
Declaring the independence of Shan State, not only reveal the selfishness of
its leaders as they want a way out only for themselves only, leaving the
other ethnic groups at the mercy of the Burmese army but also reinforced the
Balkanization theory and convinced the neighboring countries to support the
Junta is the only power that can prevent the ethnic cauldron falling on to
them. It strengthens the Balkanization theory and gives the wrong message to
the international community and play into the Junta's hands. The intention
of these epic examples, are not to heap the blame on them but to draw a
valuable lessons, so that they may be more shrewd, sophisticated and wiser
in the next move.
The
ethnic leaders seem to forget where they stand. Their noble cause remaining
alive is partly due to the new technology, the Internet, but mainly due to
the dedicated NGOs who sympathize their plight and highlighted in the
international media. Facts are brutal. There is no third way. If they chose
to be friends with the pro Burmese democracy forces, then they must know who
are the good Burman and who are the extremist. Until and unless they are
close to them, they will not be able to distinguish the good from the bad.
Perhaps they should read some of Mao Zedong's writing "that the enemy of
my enemy is my friend." We should also understand that to repel this
ethnic cleansing policy, we could not rely on morality alone. Morally, we
may be hundred percent rights citing the historical records and the current
suffering of the people. But this alone is not enough. We must also know
that morality is the weakest link among other options for a friendly force
to come to our rescue. We will have to plan for other attractive options.
Practical steps have to be taken for ethnic unity first before approaching
the pro democracy groups. We cannot afford to be racist any more and adopt a
hate theory that all Myanmar are bad. Some of the ethnic leaders who are
opting for ethnic unity, rarely practice what they preach, e.g. they won't
let their children to study or speak Burmese language, hence how can there
be a medium of language in dealing with the other ethnic groups on their
journey to ethnic unity? Are we going to use English, the colonial language
as the medium of understanding? And prove it that we are the lackeys of
imperialism, what in Burmese we say A Mae Kyaw Dwe Daw Lun literally
interpreted as pining for the aunt over the shoulder of the mother? If so,
can we express really in English? Even now as I am writing in simple Burmese
English, many Burmese are complaining that I am using very high flown and
far fetch words. The conclusion is that we will have to maintain our ethnic
culture, language and values but at the same time will have to accept
Burmese language as a lingua franca, if we really drive for Federal
Union. This is because we are living in the age of globalization.
Another most important factor is the difference in gene or what in Burmese
we say, as Be Sa. The majority of the ethnic nationalities of Burma
are simple, contented lot. They are not ambitious or aggressive and are
quite satisfied with their lives going on their daily business. These are
all the good traits but when faced with a crisis how will they react? Unlike
the Myanmar they are not quick to respond, take the risk and face the
consequences. When the 1988 Burmese students were forced to leave for the
third countries from their Thai Burma sanctuary they did not stay quiet in
their respective adopted countries but highlighted the Burmese cause
worldwide. What has been a simple democratic struggle of an obscure country
like Burma has become the leading human rights struggle of the world? Can
the ethnic nationality do likewise? There are many Karen fleeing to the US
and the West since the 50s, what drastic actions have they taken
collectively? Similarly a full shipload of Chin has landed in Indianapolis
via Guam, the Mon in Fort Wayne and Calgary and so on. Most of them are
contended to send home a few dollars for the kit and kin and do very little
for their respective ethnic cause, while some of them even help the ethnic
cleansing by calling their near and dear ones to come and live with them? In
face of such scenario, it is no wonder that the ethnic cleansing in Burma
has been such a success. In a way the Junta was indirectly help by the very
ethnic people.
It
has been proven to the ethnic nationalities, that the racist practice and
the hate theories are not beneficial. We must change our ways and to do that
we must reconcile ourselves before we move on to national reconciliation.
The leaders should take their own initiation and innovation, in their
respective camps and community as deem fit. This is the opportune moment.
The Burmese in Diaspora have tasted what is the feeling of the minority in
the majority of the Caucasian, in as much as we ethnic feel among the
majority Burmese. Seeking asylum in the Third countries, they have
discovered as how hard is to survive to maintain their culture and language
and that most of the second generations could rarely speak Burmese while
their grand children will rarely know of where Burma is? In other words they
are more sympathetic and amenable to our cause. Their understanding,
sympathy and compassion are far more than the regime. Why not capitalize on
their compassion and formed an alliance with them in repelling the hated
regime? Besides, the Diaspora Burmese see the threat of the Chinese
overwhelming all the races of Burma and is more ready to cooperate with the
ethnic nationalities.
Many ethnic leaders profess to be Christian but it is doubtful whether they
really know the concept of Christianity that men are created equal and that
love appears more than 500 times in the Scripture. Love their neighbors as
themselves (Galatians 5:14) and Burman/Myanmar is our neighbor. At least an
attempt must be made to be friends with the pro democracy forces in
Diaspora. We can start by just simple steps as inviting the carefully
selected few to come and stay in their community for a fortnight or two and
ask them to teach Burmese language to their children. Encourage them to talk
about their visions. Tell them about your shared values and your utopia. It
is far better to construct bridges of understanding than on misconception,
suspicion and hate. Time is running out. If we cling to our obstinacy we
might as well say," Farewell to Arms."
Vancouver
The views express here are solely the opinion of the author. (Kaowao's
Editor)
