Opinion/Analysis
The Bulldog and the ASEAN
Kanbawza Win
Will another ASEAN Foreign Minister's in Bali yield
anything for Burma? Why are we hoping against hope when
the answer is already a big No. The international
community has strongly endorsed the NLD (National League
for Democracy) for power sharing with the Burmese thugs
headed by its bulldog (christened by the Burmese
business community) Than Shwe This strong bulldog has
drag on and the country sinks deeper and deeper into
crisis. The odd behavior and political moves of this
aging despot whose manic, xenophobic and superstitious
character bode ill for a country that needs to pull
itself into the 21st century and into the international
community.
The NLD’s proposal, made on Union Day, (February 12,
2006) calls for the Junta to convene Parliament
comprising the MPs-elect from the 1990 elections so that
the Parliament can, in turn, legitimately appoint the
Junta as a legitimate, transitional authority. It seems
that the arrangement gives all parties what they want
and need instead of a bogus National Convention and
roadmap. It will also function as a dialogue process,
allowing elected MPs from all political parties - NLD,
ethnic nationality parties and the regime-sponsored
National Unity Party – to work together with the regime.
This innovative move utilizes both the law and
historical precedent to break the political impasse. But
this offer was ridiculed in the Junta's mouthpiece
"Myanma Alin" likening to U Nu's initiative of the 33
Advisory Committee.
If one were to dissect the NLD plan a big question of
did the NLD have a strategy for brining democracy to
Burma now that the military have refused and the
deadline 17th April, the Burmese New Year
that coincide with this year's ASEAN' retreat at Bali.
If there is no backup plan the NLD will lose credibility
and will become irrelevant. This plan has a diverse
effect both positive and negative. The positive effect
is that it divided the military and the Burman group
hail it as a master piece, while the negative effect is
that the ethnic group sees that this is a "Maha Bama"
strategy to marginalize them, for instead of pushing for
a tripartite dialogue, it can possible make a deal
behind their back. This will reinforced the theory of
forming the Union of Nationalities without the
Burman/Myanmar group which every ethnic group believes
will not tackle the basic ethnic problem. But the NLD
has the vision to suggest that an ASEAN leader be
appointed as a mediator and obviously they always had a
vested interest in ensuring that a peaceful political
settlement is achieved in Burma.
The toilet diplomacy, which both the regime and ASEAN
has been implementing seems to go down the toilet drain
itself. In last year's ASEAN Summit, when all the nine
member countries were anxiously waiting whether Burma
would waive the prestigious positing of the
Chairmanship, the negotiations ended in the toilet when
the Burmese delegation announced that it would not
accept it to the relief of all lest their relations with
Europe and other countries would be jeopardy.
To save face the ASEAN decided to send its spokesperson
Malaysian Foreign Minister Syed Hamid Albar to Burma to
monitor the democratic process and if possible to help
bring national reconciliation. The Burmese Junta easily
hoodwinked it by gladly announcing them that the
delegation would be welcome. After much delay Syed Hamid
reached Rangoon and was not allow to meet General Than
Shwe. The Junta as usual, has failed to reciprocate
their good will since these blood thirsty generals were
admitted in 1997. It has never voluntarily shared
meaningful information concerning its domestic
developments with other ASEAN members which is an
important aspect in confidence-building measures.
Chairing the retreat will be Syed Hamid himself who had
admitted since the visit that he did not witness any
“significant development” he told Malaysia’s The Star
newspaper. “There is that feeling that we are being held
hostage by Burma on some of the progress.” Hence the big
question is, will the grouping continues to extend their
consistence assistance? Of course the junta leaders came
to ASEAN for protection in the international arena and
after that they ignored them as if the grouping didn’t
exist and the ASEAN countries had meekly acquiesce.
Singapore, the most-developed economy in ASEAN suggested
last month that Burma should be sidelined within the
bloc. Foreign Minister George Yeo, addressing
Singapore’s Parliament, said that ASEAN “will have to
distance ourselves a bit if it is not possible for the
Burmese to engage us in a way which we find necessary to
defend them internationally." Indonesia, meanwhile,
showed its determination to address the Burma issue
during a visit by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to
Rangoon in March, which saw both sides form a joint
commission, with Jakarta appointing two special envoys
to Burma, including former foreign minister Ali Alatas.
The paradoxical aspect is that Ali Alatas is a
representative of the Eminent Persons Group which will
present a progress report on its suggestions for an
ASEAN charter. The group’s chair, former deputy prime
minister of Malaysia Musa Hitam, has said that more
emphasis will likely also be placed on ASEAN’s ability
to involve itself in the internal affairs of its
members. Current rules say this is strictly forbidden,
although the bloc has already tested the limits of this
part of ASEAN protocol in its handling of the Burma
issue. One of the feeble excuses by ASEAN for propping
up the dictators was that of keeping Burma away from
becoming a strong ally of China. It seems that the
grouping can no longer risk its reputation by
associating itself with such a grossly negligent and
brutal regime.
Lately Singapore Prime Minister Mr. Lee Hsien Loong,
Malaysian political leader Datuk Mohd Zaid bin Ibrahim
and leaders of the Philippines have begun speaking up
for a true democratic leadership in Burma to promote
peace and prosperity in their region. The Thai
government, however, has still decided to keep quiet on
the desperate UNHCR refugees fleeing to Thailand to
escape the brutal Burmese dictators.
Speaking out against an illegitimate Burmese Junta
should not conflict with the respectable notion of
non-interference in another nation's internal affairs.
Without a genuine democracy the Burmese people live
under unspeakable conditions. ASEAN's endorsements of
the Junta will not only prolong the people's sufferings
in Burma, but it will also compromise the ASEAN unity
and integrity. Without a doubt, the time has come for
ASEAN to stop endorsing the illegitimate government and
start supporting the truly elected democratic leaders
who were under ruthless attacks in Burma.
Obviously the culprit is ASEAN's Constructive Engagement
that has long gone down the toilet drain, a scapegoat
must be found and Singapore targeted India and China for
not doing enough. Hence, this Bali retreat is what in
Burmese call, "Thingyan A Myauk" meaning a cannon blast
marking the Burmese New Year Water Festival of Thingyan
(Songkrang in Thai) that made a lot of noise with no
cannon ball inside.
It has been a very long time since the people
demonstrated and had elected Aung San Suu Kyi with the
hope that she would make a bridge between Burma and the
modern and democratic world. The Burmese people hope
that genuine actions committed toward peace and freedom
by the ASEAN, Japan, China, India and the rest of Asia,
one day Burma may be able to take real pride in
rejoining the Asian community again. Therefore, it is
most important for ASEAN to defeat the challenges to the
Southeast Asian leadership and endorse the cause for
democracy in Burma.
Chiangmai
